Inconvenient Truths Are Emerging About the New Mexico Epstein Truth Commission
And they explain why that Zorro Ranch segment on 60 Minutes Australia sucked so much.
When the state legislature of my beloved home state of New Mexico formally established its Epstein Truth Commission on February 16, 2026 — created to find out why child sex trafficker and rapist Jeffrey Epstein and his 7600-acre New Mexico ranch were never properly investigated or searched — I allowed myself something I rarely permit in this work: hope. But I gotta be honest with you all: In light of my latest investigations, that hope is fading. Fast. Let me backtrack a little, to place my concerns in proper context. Bear with me. It’s a lot.
With the release of more than 3 million pages of “Epstein files” by the U.S. Dept. of Justice in January 2026, the world (myself included) suddenly saw how entirely New Mexico had dropped the ball. Even Florida, where Epstein got a “sweetheart” deal from federal prosecutor Alex Acosta, investigated, indicted, tried and convicted Epstein. New Mexico, armed with the same and worse accusations, did absolutely nothing at all.
The new commission materialized in the wake of this public outing of New Mexico’s incompetence or corruption (honestly, we are good at both at once) and we were all promised it would figure out why nothing was done. I believed it. At first. I was even a bit proud. And inspired to help. I dusted off my old journalism skills and started investigating, hoping to contribute to righting the wrongs of the past.
It didn’t take long for me to uncover the names of many of the people who protected Epstein here, and soon I was breaking news stories that lit-er-all-y no one else in the world had bothered to find yet:
Like the one about how John J. Kelly, who was the United States Attorney for the District of New Mexico, who never investigated Epstein, also secretly served as Jeffrey Epstein’s personal power of attorney to purchase Zorro Ranch.
Or the one about how the former Lieutenant Governor of New Mexico, Diane Denish, was married to a man employed as a lobbyist for an Epstein-connected real estate development company out of Ohio, and that she and Governor Bill Richardson, who was named by survivor Virginia Giuffre as one of her abusers, created a new law to give that Ohio company half a billion dollars in New Mexico state bonds to build a surveillance-state “smart” community in Albuquerque.
Or the one about how Ghislaine Maxwell’s father, Robert Maxwell, working for Israeli military intelligence and posing as a media magnate, infiltrated the two major nuclear weapons labs in New Mexico in 1984 by selling them backdoored PROMIS software, and that he also endowed a chair at The Santa Fe Institute for $300,000 in his own name, nearly a decade before his daughter and Epstein showed up here to buy a ranch from the sitting Governor of New Mexico, located roughly equidistant between those same labs.
Or the one about how Epstein built a military industrial grade microwave radio two-way private communications network at the ranch, and tried to get his neighbor, Henry Singleton and heirs, owners of the San Cristobal Ranch. Henry was one of the world’s biggest defense contractors and a guy who was co-trustee of Ronald Reagan’s blind trust during his presidency, to help pay for that network. Or that the network is STILL functioning under the name of Zorro Trust, even though the ranch has new owners.
Or the one about how the company that built Epstein’s 33,000-square foot mansion was Bradbury Stamm, which doesn’t build private residences but DOES build nuclear and military installations.
Or how the new owners of Zorro Ranch include Donald Huffines, who is currently the Donald Trump-endorsed candidate for Texas State Comptroller and who, along with his wife Mary Catherine, attended a secretive meeting in Moscow in 2018 alongside Rand Paul, who was there to hand-deliver a letter from Trump to Russian President Vladimir Putin, and Americans only found out when photos of the meeting leaked out through Russian news wire services.
I could go on. In fact, I have. That’s pretty much all I do around here anymore.
There are so many stories. Each story leads to five or six more, all of them jaw-dropping. Scandal after scandal, all pointing to the same incredible, terrifying, Iran-Contra-dwarfing truth: That Epstein’s child sex trafficking ring was not only known to authorities, it fucking belonged to and was a tool of a transnational military intelligence conglomerate that included Israel, the United States and even the Soviet Union/Russia.
You’d think lawmakers in the Truth Commission and New Mexico Dept. of Justice might want to know about a thing like that.
Turns out, they probably don’t.
I initially forwarded everything I found to the truth commission and the New Mexico Dept. of Justice. What I got back were crickets, mostly. Which was depressing, but also, given the gravity of my findings, suspicious. So I looked into the commission, a little.
The first look I took was at the Request for Proposals (RFP) for legal representation for the commission, released on March 13, 2026, with proposals due April 2. When I read through the RFP, I found a potential conflict of interest. The Chief Procurement Officer for the New Mexico Legislative Council Service, Gerardo Antonio Paredes, Jr., was formerly employed as an accountant with the State Comptroller of Texas, under a Trump-endorsed comptroller, Glenn Hegar. You will recall that the new owners of Zorro Ranch are Donald and Mary Catherine Huffines, and Donald Huffines is the current Trump-endorsed candidate for Texas State Comptroller. This poses a conflict of interest for Paredes. Cut and dried. Yet he did not recuse himself.
I wrote about that, too.
And sent it to the commission.
Commissioner Mariana Anaya wrote back to say it did not matter because the commission, not Paredes, would be choosing the legal team that would oversee and direct the investigation. While that’s technically true, there is still an apparent conflict of interest because Paredes oversees the writing of the RFPs and the initial screening of applicants before the finalists are sent to the commission. I said as much, and got no further response.
The commission was supposed to have announced the name of the legal team chosen, on April 10, 2026. It is April 27, 2026 now, and no announcement has been made. I called them today. They said they’ll make the announcement in the next day or two.
Coincident with all of this spectacular inaction has been an ironic rise in carefully curated “news” media pieces about how just how goshdarn committed the commission is to finding the truth and seeking justice for survivors.
This has included a segment on 60 Minutes Australia over the weekend. I watched it online, hopeful someone else out there in this vast universe was trying to tell the truth. Australian corporate news media had a slightly better shot than the United States corporate media at telling the truth, as they’re currently ranked #29 in the world for press freedom, whereas the USA is #57, according to Reporters Without Borders Press Freedom Index.
My hopes were dashed soon enough. The segment, which featured just four sources (three of them members of the New Mexico political establishment, and the fourth a survivor) was pure public relations and trauma porn, just like all the corporate media coverage of Epstein and Zorro Ranch in the United States so far.
One of the four sources, incredibly, was former New Mexico Attorney General Hector Balderas. The news segment repeated Balderas’ lie that he was “forced” to stand down in his office’s 2018-2019 investigation of Epstein and Zorro, by federal prosecutors out of the Southern District of New York. In reality, Baldersas was asked to stand down. He did not have to. He chose to. But he consistently blame-shifts and plays the victim, because it suits the New Mexico political establishment’s spin. The devil made me do it, mom, I swear!
There are two justice systems in the United States, state and federal, and federal prosecutors can request that a state AG stand down, but there is nothing legally obliging the state AG to do so. Balderas dropped the ball, and it was yet one more instance of apparent corruption in his career.
Nonetheless, 60 Minutes Australia took his word at face value. Not only that, the Australians drove out to the roadside memorial by the Zorro Ranch with a mopey Balderas and filmed B roll of him looking mournful there. Just a poor helpless victim of federal prosecutors.
The other three sources for the 60 Minutes Australia story were New Mexico congressional representative Melanie Stansbury, New Mexico state legislator Andrea Romero, and Epstein and Maxwell survivor Chauntee Davies, who recalled being raped repeatedly at Zorro Ranch and was shown sobbing as she relived her trauma.
It became clear, watching this story, that the prevailing interest of Balderas, Stansbury and Romero is damage control for the tight-knit political establishment of New Mexico. They want to give the public the impression that New Mexico is dedicated to survivor justice, while consciously burying the fact that New Mexico covered for Epstein because New Mexico’s economic and political power are completely tied to the military industrial complex and associated intelligence operations Epstein, a known intelligence asset for Israel and the US both, infiltrated and served through his kompromat child sex trafficking ring.
The investigation is being controled here, because loyalty to the political, military and intelligence establishment is much more important to the powerful than uncovering the real, complete Epstein/Maxwell/Zorro story. The commission was created, it seems, to indignantly uncover just enough to quiet public outrage, but not enough to bring down the apparatus. Because that apparatus is still the economic lifeblood of the entire state.
Andrea Romero is Compromised
State Representative Andrea Romero of House District 46 (Santa Fe) chairs the New Mexico Epstein Truth Commission. She is, by public biography, an admirable figure — a daughter of Northern New Mexico whose family goes back seventeen generations, a Stanford graduate, a UNM-trained attorney, a small business owner, a progressive legislator with a genuine record on gun safety, housing, and reproductive rights.
What her public biography omits is more important than what it includes.
Romero attended Stanford University on a Los Alamos National Laboratory scholarship worth nearly $70,000. That detail appears in a September 2009 Santa Fe New Mexican profile of her. LANL — one of two New Mexico nuclear weapons laboratories (the other being Sandia National Labs) whose scientific community was named by Jeffrey Epstein as his reason for being in the state at all — paid for the credential that defines Romero entire public identity. It does not appear anywhere in her current biography.
Before chairing the Truth Commission, Romero held another position that has also largely been vanished from her public biography: executive director of the Regional Coalition of LANL Communities from 2015 to 2018 — a federally funded lobbying organization whose explicit mandate was advocating for increased funding for Los Alamos National Laboratory. The coalition’s annual budget of approximately $200,000 was overwhelmingly provided by the Department of Energy and Los Alamos County government. In plain terms: Romero was paid, with federal nuclear weapons money, to lobby Congress for more federal nuclear weapons money.
Romero’s entanglement with LANL runs deeper than her college tuition and her salary at the coalition. While serving as the coalition’s executive director — the organization’s chief advocate for increased LANL funding — Romero’s private business, Tall Foods, Tall Goods, a commercial ostrich farm in Ribera, New Mexico, received an award from the Venture Acceleration Fund, a program established in 2006 by Los Alamos National Security LLC, the Bechtel Corporation-led consortium that held LANL’s annual $2.4 billion management contract. According to Nuclear Watch New Mexico, which documented the award in a March 2018 press release, the median VAF award that year was $41,000, with preference given to companies with “an association with LANL Technology or Expertise.” The amount Romero received was not publicly disclosed.
But her personal entanglement with the nuclear weapons institutional complex runs deeper still. Prior to 2017 — before LANL paid for her to go to Stanford, before she ran the LANL lobbying coalition, before she received LANL funding for her private business, and before she was elected to the legislature — Romero herself worked as a Project Manager and Program Manager directly at Sandia National Laboratories. A New Mexico Changemakers program profile states this plainly. A LinkedIn profile matching her biography describes the work in precise operational detail: she interfaced directly with export control, security and classification, NNSA, other government agencies, and international partners on national security programs. She did not merely lobby for Sandia. She worked inside its national security administrative apparatus, with access to export control and classification functions.
Nuclear Watch Director Jay Coghlan described it plainly at the time: it is “at a minimum unseemly for the Executive Director of the Regional Coalition, which lobbies for increased LANL funding, to receive funding for her private business from LANS, who runs LANL. Ultimately that funding for her private business comes from the American taxpayer.”
Then came the financial scandal. A 2018 audit found Romero had charged the coalition for alcohol, a Washington D.C. dinner exceeding $1,850, and baseball tickets — expenses routed through a lobbying trip to schmooze federal officials on LANL’s behalf. The receipts, when they surfaced publicly, included WhistlePig whiskey and Washington Nationals tickets. The audit identified more than $50,000 in improper payments to Romero, board members, and other parties. The coalition sought repayment of $8,000 from Romero specifically. She did not repay it. Her contract was not renewed. The organization’s phone number, however, is still listed as of today as Romero’s official contact number on both her campaign website and her New Mexico Legislature member page — a Google Voice line that routes to no government office and is not subject to public records requirements. The coalition, destabilized by the scandal and unable to retain a replacement director, collapsed — with member governments withdrawing one by one in the years that followed.
Nuclear watchdogs noted one further consequence that has received no public attention in the context of the Truth Commission: under Romero’s leadership, the coalition supported a 2016 environmental consent order that critics said weakened LANL nuclear cleanup accountability by removing hard deadlines and penalties for insufficient cleanup work — effectively protecting the laboratory from consequences for leaving an estimated 150,000 cubic meters of radioactive and toxic waste buried in unlined pits above New Mexico’s regional groundwater aquifer, three miles uphill from the Rio Grande.
To map the full picture: LANL paid for Romero’s Stanford education. Romero worked inside Sandia’s national security apparatus. Romero ran the coalition that lobbied for LANL funding. LANL funded her private business. She charged that coalition’s public funds for personal expenses, refused to repay them, and scrubbed the entire chapter from her biography.
Romero’s potential conflicts of interest as head of the Truth Commission do not end with LANL. She is married to Demitri Diamond, a Senior Associate on the Diversified Alternative Equity team at Barings — a $481 billion global asset management firm and subsidiary of MassMutual, headquartered in Charlotte, North Carolina.
Diamond holds three of finance’s most demanding professional designations: Chartered Financial Analyst, Chartered Alternative Investment Analyst, and Financial Risk Manager. Before joining Barings in 2018, he was an investment analyst at Aldea Capital Partners, focused on sourcing and underwriting private equity investments in small and emerging managers. Their marriage is documented on a public wedding registry.
At Barings, Diamond’s specific focus is underwriting and monitoring investments across Real Assets and Private Equity. “Real assets,” in the language of institutional finance, means physical infrastructure: energy, data centers, bulk fiber platforms, communications networks, land. Oil and surveillance. The unglamorous, load-bearing scaffolding of concentrated power.
Barings traces its origins to 1762 — old European merchant banking capital reconstituted as American institutional finance. It is, structurally and historically, precisely the kind of transnational capital architecture that this investigation has argued Epstein’s network existed to serve: not any single government, not any single intelligence agency, but the class of people and institutions for whom national borders are a regulatory inconvenience and information is the ultimate commodity.
But the connection between Barings and the Epstein network is not merely structural or philosophical. It is documented in the federal criminal record.
Documents produced by Deutsche Bank to the Southern District of New York in the criminal investigations of Jeffrey Epstein and Ghislaine Maxwell — bearing document numbers EFTA01363828 and EFTA01408749, classified pursuant to Federal Rule of Criminal Procedure 6(e) and also marked in the Maxwell prosecution record as SDNY_GM_00200372 — contain a September 6, 2017 internal Deutsche Bank compliance email from Assistant Vice President Cynthia Rodriguez to Director Daphne Cales. The email is a KYC — Know Your Customer — compliance update, working through a master list of accounts requiring review at Deutsche Bank Wealth Management, 345 Park Avenue, New York.
On that list, approved and processed in the same compliance sweep, appear the following: Jeffrey Epstein personally. Karina Shuliak — Epstein’s documented heir and, in this investigation’s assessment, probable handler. Zorro Management LLC — the entity that held Zorro Ranch. The Butterfly Trust. The Haze Trust. J Epstein Insurance Trust #3. Neptune LLC. Gratitude America Ltd. LSJE LLC. And, in the same batch, under the Jefferies relationship accounts: ING Barings Global Leveraged Equity Plan Ltd.
ING Barings Global Leveraged Equity Plan Ltd. is a private equity fund currently administered by Jefferies Capital Partners LLC. ING Barings is the direct institutional predecessor to the Barings where Demitri Diamond works today. Barings was reconstituted in 2016 when MassMutual merged several affiliate firms, absorbing the ING Barings private equity lineage in the process.
A second document from the same federal file — EFTA01363972, also marked SDNY_GM_00200650 — shows a Deutsche Bank employee asking Cynthia Rodriguez specifically for a certificate of good standing for ING Barings Global Leveraged Equity Plan Ltd. That request appears in the same chat exchange as a reference to The Caterpillar Trust 2017 — a documented Epstein financial entity at Deutsche Bank whose authorized signers included Epstein executive assistant Daphne Wallace.
To be precise about what these documents establish and what they do not: they place ING Barings Global Leveraged Equity Plan Ltd. in Deutsche Bank’s Epstein-era compliance system, processed in the same batch as Epstein’s own entities including Zorro Management LLC. They do not establish that ING Barings was a knowing participant in Epstein’s criminal enterprise, nor that the current Barings institution or Demitri Diamond has any knowledge of or connection to Epstein’s activities. What they establish is institutional lineage — the same financial brand, processed at the same bank, in the same compliance sweep, as the entity that held Zorro Ranch.
The chair of the New Mexico Epstein Truth Commission is married to a current senior employee of that institution.
Melanie Stansbury has loyalities to the labs, too. And it hurts like hell to have to type this because, like many of you, I loved her.
The Truth Commission’s federal champion is Congresswoman Melanie Stansbury, who appeared alongside Romero in the 60 Minutes Australia segment as one of only four sources in a story that reached an international audience and carefully avoided every intelligence infrastructure question this investigation has documented in primary source federal records.
Before explaining what I found when I looked into Stansbury, I want to be precise about the argument I am making. I am NOT saying that everyone who has ever worked for Sandia National Laboratories is corrupt, compromised, or connected to Epstein. Many good and decent people have spent their careers there. The argument is narrower and more specific: Epstein’s documented purpose in New Mexico — continuing, alongside Ghislaine Maxwell, the influence and espionage blackmail compromat campaign her father Robert Maxwell ran at the labs beginning in 1984 — means that anyone with deep, sustained, financially rewarded ties to those institutions has a structural conflict of interest in objectively investigating the Epstein-Maxwell network. They are not neutral. They cannot be neutral.
Stansbury is unfortunately one of those people. Her relationship with Sandia National Labs and Los Alamos National Labs is the spine of her entire federal career.
In 2011, Stansbury worked as a consultant for Sandia National Laboratories’ Utton Transboundary Resources Center. That engagement was the professional bridge between her academic career at Cornell and her entry into the Obama administration’s energy and natural resources apparatus. She moved directly from Sandia consulting to a Policy Fellowship on the White House Council on Environmental Quality, then to the Office of Management and Budget as a Program Examiner from 2011 to 2015, then to the U.S. Senate Committee on Energy and Natural Resources as professional staff from 2015 to 2017.
Once in Congress, Stansbury’s relationship with Sandia and LANL deepened into active legislative advocacy on behalf of the labs. Her own congressional office describes her and Senator Ben Ray Luján as having “a longstanding history of supporting scientific research and development for New Mexico’s Sandia and Los Alamos National Laboratories.” Her first bill as a congresswoman — the Partnerships for Energy Security and Innovation Act — was signed into law as part of the CHIPS and Science Act, creating the Department of Energy’s first-ever foundation to channel private sector investment directly into the national laboratories. She secured appropriations requests for a University of New Mexico and Sandia National Labs STEM Pipeline, championed $8.5 billion in federal CHIPS Act semiconductor funding flowing to New Mexico, and celebrated Sandia’s technology transfer operation as having created over $95 billion in economic impact from 2000 to 2020, supporting about 21,000 jobs per year.
Stansbury is one of the labs’ most active and documented legislative champions in Congress. She is, in the plainest terms, a lab person. She was formed by them, launched by them, sustained by them, and has spent her congressional career legislating on their behalf. That is the person who brought Andrea Romero to national attention as the face of the Epstein Truth Commission. That is the person who stood beside Romero on 60 Minutes Australia and helped frame the investigation as nothing but a survivor justice story with no mention of the military intelligence infrastructure this reporting has spent months documenting, which is the entire reason Epstein was in New Mexico at all.
New Mexicans, and Epstein survivors, deserve a real investigation. But I’m starting to think that in a state whose economic engine in the nuclear weapons industry Epstein and Maxwell came here to compromise, they’re unlikely to to get it.
SOURCES
U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Files release, January 2026. Available at: justice.gov/epstein-library
Alisa Valdes, “Breaking News Exclusive: The U.S. Attorney Who Should Have Investigated Jeffrey Epstein for Sexually Abusing 16-Year-Old Annie Farmer in 1996 in New Mexico Was Epstein’s Personal POA for Zorro Ranch,” THE PUGILIST/Substack. Document cited: SDNY_GM_00173766, Santa Fe County recorded Power of Attorney, March 3, 1993.
Virginia Giuffre deposition, civil case against Ghislaine Maxwell, SDNY. Bill Richardson named as alleged abuser.
FBI file 105-25063, opened December 9, 1953, “Internal Security — R & GE,” re: Robert Maxwell. Referenced in Narativ/Zev Shalev broadcast, April 2026.
Robert Maxwell endowment of Santa Fe Institute chair, $300,000, 1990. Referenced in Epstein financial records and Narativ broadcast.
FCC license records, call signs WQXY316 and WQXY300, Zorro Development Corporation, maintained post-Epstein death and into Huffines ownership. Public record, FCC database.
DOJ Epstein files, document EFTA00662541, re: San Cristobal Ranch fiber node and LSJ microwave system specifications. Brice Gordon email forwarded by Epstein to Jermaine Ruan.
Bradbury Stamm construction records, Zorro Ranch mansion. Referenced in Epstein files.
Moscow meeting documentation: Donald and Mary Catherine Huffines attendance at Russian Federation Council session, 2018. Referenced in prior PUGILIST reporting. Rand Paul letter delivery to Putin confirmed by multiple U.S. news outlets including BuzzFeed News, August 2018.
New Mexico Legislative Council Service, Request for Proposals for Legal Services, Epstein Truth Commission, issued March 13, 2026. Available via NM Legislature public records.
New Mexico House Resolution 1, establishing Epstein Truth Commission, passed unanimously February 16, 2026.
Gerardo Antonio Paredes Jr. employment history, State Comptroller of Texas under Glenn Hegar. Texas State Comptroller public records.
Donald Huffines, Trump-endorsed candidate for Texas State Comptroller, 2026. Texas Secretary of State election filings.
60 Minutes Australia, Zorro Ranch segment, broadcast April 2026. Four sources: Hector Balderas, Melanie Stansbury, Andrea Romero, Chauntee Davies.
New York State Department of Financial Services, Consent Order re: Deutsche Bank and Jeffrey Epstein, July 6, 2020. Available at: dfs.ny.gov
Hector Balderas, statements to 60 Minutes Australia and Source New Mexico re: SDNY request to stand down, 2019. New Mexico has independent state prosecutorial authority under New Mexico Constitution Article VI.
Santa Fe New Mexican, “Andrea Romero,” feature profile, September 13, 2009. LANL scholarship worth nearly $70,000 confirmed. Father David Romero quoted.
New Mexico Changemakers program profile, Andrea Romero: “Prior to 2017, Andrea worked as a Project Manager and Program Manager for the City of Albuquerque and Sandia National Laboratories.” Available at: nmchangemakers.org/2021-class
LinkedIn profile, Andrea Romero, Program Manager, Sandia National Laboratories. Description includes: “integrated and interfaced with critical partners and customers consisting of: procurement department, export control, security and classification; program participants at Sandia and other laboratories, NNSA, other government agencies and international partners.”
Nuclear Watch New Mexico, press release, “The Regional Coalition of LANL Communities: Benefits for the Select Few,” March 1, 2018. Contact: Jay Coghlan, jay@nukewatch.org.
New Mexico State Auditor, audit findings re: Regional Coalition of LANL Communities, 2018. Identified more than $50,000 in improper payments. Coalition sought $8,000 repayment from Romero.
Santa Fe New Mexican, reporting on RCLC audit and Romero repayment refusal, 2018-2020. Reporter: Daniel J. Chacón.
Los Alamos Daily Post, “RCLC Executive Director Andrea Romero Addresses Allegations About Travel Expenses and Reimbursements,” 2018.
LA Monitor, “Coalition in Limbo After Monday,” 2018. Romero apologized for expenses including WhistlePig whiskey and Washington Nationals tickets.
Nuclear Watch New Mexico / NukeWatch NM, reporting on 2016 consent order weakening LANL cleanup accountability, 2018-2021. Available at: nukewatch.org
Regional Coalition of LANL Communities phone number listed as Romero’s official contact on andrearomero.com and nmlegis.gov member page as of April 27, 2026. Routes to Google Voice.
Venture Acceleration Fund, established 2006 by Los Alamos National Security LLC (Bechtel Corporation-led consortium). Award to Tall Foods, Tall Goods confirmed in LANL news release, May 8, 2017.
Zola wedding registry, Andrea Romero and Demitri Diamond, public record.
Barings LLC, Demitri Diamond profile, Diversified Alternative Equity team. Available at: barings.com. CFA, CAIA, FRM designations confirmed via professional registry.
Barings “Who We Are” page: “Today’s Barings was formed in 2016, when four affiliate firms from the MassMutual family came together.” Available at: barings.com/en-us/institutional/about/who-we-are
Federal Epstein criminal file, document EFTA01363828, also marked DB-SDNY-0054188 and SDNY_GM_00200372. Deutsche Bank internal KYC compliance email, Cynthia Rodriguez to Daphne Cales, September 6, 2017. Lists ING Barings Global Leveraged Equity Plan Ltd. in same compliance batch as Zorro Management LLC, Jeffrey Epstein, Karina Shuliak, and other Epstein entities.
Federal Epstein criminal file, document EFTA01363972, also marked DB-SDNY-0054466 and SDNY_GM_00200650. Deutsche Bank internal chat, Matthew-J Purcell to Cynthia Rodriguez, requesting certificate of good standing for ING Barings Global Leveraged Equity Plan Ltd. Same chat references The Caterpillar Trust 2017.
Epstein Exposed database, re: The 2017 Caterpillar Trust, Deutsche Bank. Authorized signers: Daphne Wallace and Lesley Groff. Available at: epsteinexposed.com
ING Barings Global Leveraged Equity Plan Ltd., private fund data. Currently administered by Jefferies Capital Partners LLC. Available at: privatefunddata.com
Contact information for Rep. Andrea Romero: vote@andrearomero.com, 505-490-6155. Official NM Legislature page: nmlegis.gov/members/Legislator?SponCode=HROAN
Vote Smart / Contact My Politician, Melanie Stansbury career biography: “Consultant, Sandia National Laboratories, Utton Transboundary Resources Center, 2011.” Available at: justfacts.votesmart.org
Stansbury congressional office press release: “Luján, Stansbury Welcome First-Ever DOE Foundation for Energy Security and Innovation,” February 13, 2023. Quote: “a longstanding history of supporting scientific research and development for New Mexico’s Sandia and Los Alamos National Laboratories.” Available at: stansbury.house.gov
Stansbury congressional office press release: “Rep. Stansbury Highlights STEM Jobs and Opportunities for New Mexico in Newly Passed Bill,” February 22, 2022. Sandia technology transfer “$95 billion in economic impact from 2000 to 2020.” Available at: stansbury.house.gov
Stansbury congressional office press release: “Congresswoman Stansbury Announces Funding Submissions for Key Community Projects,” September 8, 2022. Includes UNM and Sandia National Labs STEM Pipeline appropriations request. Available at: stansbury.house.gov
U.S. Senate / House delegation press release: “$8.5 billion in federal CHIPS Act funding” for New Mexico semiconductor manufacturing, March 2024. Co-signed by Stansbury. Available at: heinrich.senate.gov
Stansbury congressional office press release: “Rep. Stansbury Enters Leadership Race for Natural Resources Committee,” December 10, 2024. Biography states: “worked as a science educator and researcher working for state and higher education programs, Sandia National Laboratories, and the nonprofit sector.” Available at: stansbury.house.gov
Ghislaine Maxwell conviction, SDNY, December 2021. Five counts of sex trafficking and related crimes.
The institutional lineage you’ve mapped here, LANL to Stanford to the coalition to the legislature, is exactly the kind of structural conflict that gets buried in biography rewrites and press releases.
Northern New Mexico’s political and economic infrastructure has always run through those labs. Anyone who spent real time in that world knows the gravity of those connections. The Truth Commission deserves investigators with no fingerprints on that apparatus.
Keep pulling those threads…
Your assessment is on point. The tentacles of the deep state and their acolytes and minions ensnare anyone in power who might dare to derail their well-laid plans. And so the corrupt status quo continues unabated.